The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholarUsha Ramanathandescribes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the#BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Monday, March 14, 2016

9512 - If The Govt Doesn’t Treat Privacy As A ‘Right’, How Can The Aadhaar Bill Protect It? - Youth Ki Avaaz

Mar 12, 2016

The introduction of the Aadhaar Bill has given rise a lot of speculation about the bill, arising from previous apprehensions about whether it will address questions of privacy associated with the Aadhaar Card to rest. The bill was to be introduced as a money bill, meaning it would not be necessary for it to be cleared by the Rajya Sabha. This had critics of the UID scheme worrying about the nature of the bill. The bill’s introduction now allows us to analyse it.

Need And Legitimacy
It has to be understood first and foremost that the bill per se is a protection from what could possibly go wrong with personal biometric or demographic information being collected. For instance, in 2014, a Goa court had asked the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) to provide the CBI with biometric information of all residents of the state for probing a rape case. The UIDAI had to petition the Supreme Court to protect its data as, it argued, it had been developed “for civilian use and for non-forensic purposes.” Given that 98 crore individuals have been issued Aadhaar cards by now, there was clearly a need for this legislation.

Section 28(5) of the bill now prohibits the UIDAI or any of its employees or officers as well as those associated with maintaining the Central Identities Data Repository from revealing any information stored in the Repository or authentication record to anyone. Even the number holders cannot have access to their core biometric information (iris scans, fingerprints, etc). This core biometric information can be used only for the purpose of “generation of Aadhaar numbers and authentication under this Act.” Moreover, no identity information, which includes the Aadhaar number, biometric information, and demographic information “can be disclosed further, except with the prior consent of the individual to whom such information relates” according to section 29(3).

Section 33(1) further says that the disclosure of any part of the identity information would require “an order of a court not inferior to that of a District Judge.” However, since this section does not override section 29(3) and also gives the UIDAI the right to be heard in the case, both the individual and the UIDAI can argue before the court. For investigation of a criminal investigation now, as in the case from Goa cited above, data available with the UIDAI cannot be shared with a probe agency for finding, say, a fingerprint match, which would involve unconsenting individuals sharing their core-biometric data.
There is a catch nonetheless. When it comes to national security, none of these provisions protecting identity information hold. The only respite here is that orders of disclosure even in such cases will require “the direction of an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary to the Government of India” and every direction will “be reviewed by an Oversight Committee consisting of the Cabinet Secretary and the Secretaries to the Government of India in the Department of Legal Affairs and the Department of Electronics and Information Technology, before it takes effect.” Moreover, even if a probe agency were to use this data, they can do so only for a period of three months and take an extension from the Oversight Committee for another three.

The other major apprehension about the bill was whether it would make possession of an Aadhaar card mandatory for availing social benefit schemes because that would necessarily require one to submit aforementioned identity information to the UIDAI. Given that 98 crore individuals already have submitted this data, this is, however, a lost battle because the possible infringement of absolute privacy is now, ridiculous as it may seem, codified. Whether or not we avail a social benefit scheme, most of us have already submitted this privacy.
Yet, for the sake of those yet to avail a card or for posterity, the bill’s provisions on the compulsory nature of the UID are important and the bill there is ambiguous. Section 7 first says, for instance, that the government may require one to make an application for enrolment in case the Aadhaar number has not been assigned to an individual availing a social benefit scheme. But immediately after goes on to say that “the individual shall be offered alternate and viable means of identification for delivery of the subsidy.” Hopefully, since this mandatory nature has been a hot topic of discussion and the opposition is worried due to the bill being a Money Bill, this ambiguity, at least, will be addressed in the parliament and the intent of the government will become clearer.

There are further doubts about the misuse of this particular bill. National security, as we have learnt from what this government does and does not think of as anti-national, is a dodgy term. And since the government’s commitment to privacy is suspect, given that recently it argued through the Attorney General in a case relating to Aadhaar itself that privacy isn’t a fundamental right, it is only natural that concerned editorials are being penned.

The bill has also not specified–giving regulatory power to the UIDAI to do so–who the entities maintaining the Data Repository will be. The question then becomes a matter of trust. As has been previously said by some people, whether the entities will abide by the law or, being powerful private entities, flout the conditions they are subject to under this Act remains an area of concern. Worse still, as other people have argued elsewhere, this could be done in connivance with a government that doesn’t care for the privacy of the people.

Exposing a similar collusion and showing how the US government had been lying to the courts had made the whistleblower Edward Snowden flee his own country. But these are problems that will remain with probably any kind of legislation unless we do away with the UID altogether for all people. For those who are yet to get a UID, the Bill in itself would be unjust if it indeed requires mandatory enrolment with the UIDAI.

In conclusion, one can say that it would have been better had there been more public discussion on the framework of the bill prior to its introduction. The government should also not try to pass the bill, just because it can, without paying heed to what the Upper House or those with apprehensions within the Lok Sabha have to say. For the common citizen, privacy was already put at stake when they submitted their identity information to the UIDAI. However, it may be granted that the bill does attempt to address some of the concerns that had arisen about privacy.