In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Saturday, August 26, 2017

11871 - Right to Privacy: What the judgment means for Aadhaar, its constitutionality - Indian Express



Also, the very idea of a boundless general purpose identification database is constitutionally suspect following the unequivocal declaration of privacy as a fundamental right, and the drawing up of the conditions of restricting that right in as narrow a manner as the judgment has done.
  • WRITTEN BY PRASANNA S |
  • Updated: August 25, 2017 10:47 Am

Whether the Aadhaar Act should have been, and could have been, passed as a Money Bill, bypassing Rajya Sabha

A NINE-judge Bench of the Supreme Court is rare; a unanimous decision by such a Bench, rarer. Thursday’s decision is historic not only because it has ruled that privacy is a fundamental right, but also because it has deepened our understanding of fundamental rights as inalienable inherent rights in every human being. What impact will the verdict have on the Aadhaar case, which provided the context for this important moment in Indian constitutional history?

Portions of the judgment that deal with data protection and privacy say that any collection of personal information that would impact privacy must have a law to back it. A corollary to this proposition is that all actions of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) prior to the coming into force of the 2016 Aadhaar Act are of suspect constitutionality. A further question arises on what can be done about such data that was collected without a legal basis.

Also, the very idea of a boundless general purpose identification database is constitutionally suspect following the unequivocal declaration of privacy as a fundamental right, and the drawing up of the conditions of restricting that right in as narrow a manner as the judgment has done. This ruling has opened up the field for more concrete challenges to various architectural and implementational aspects of Aadhaar, and its impact on privacy — such as the mandatory collection of biometric data, deployment of private players for collection of information, online authentication and the extent of authentication data storage, and the possibility of data convergence and profiling as a result of Aadhaar-seeding of various databases.

Apart from these issues linked directly with the right to privacy, there are a number of other issues on the Aadhaar project that the court is yet to hear and decide. Some of these, not necessarily in order of importance, are:

* Whether the Aadhaar Act should have been, and could have been, passed as a Money Bill, bypassing Rajya Sabha;
* The issue of Section 7 of the Aadhaar Act that empowers governments to make Aadhaar mandatory for subsidies, services and benefits drawn directly from the Consolidated Fund of India being an unconscionable bargain, and whether the state can specify conditions that infringe on people’s fundamental rights such as privacy and bodily integrity to enable them to access their legal rights and entitlements;
* The issue of decisionmaking on substantive questions such as identity through untested, unreliable technology that irreversibly tilts the scales of control in favour of the state and away from the control of the citizen;
* Above all, the issue of the fundamental nature of the relationship between the state and the citizen in creating a national biometric database with identity reduced to a mere number, and the right to identity being supplanted with the power to identify by the state.

Following the resolution of the question of whether the right to privacy is a fundamental right, the decks are now clear for a smaller Bench of the Supreme Court to hear and decide on these questions at the earliest, keeping in mind that this is litigation that began almost six years ago.

…And what are its implications for privacy in tech use?

Information technology is not only punctuating, but is virtually taking over our lives today. Technology has made many hitherto impossible things possible, many improbable things certain, many processes so advanced that they are “indistinguishable from magic”, as sci-fi writer Arthur C Clarke put it. The methods by which a person’s legal rights may be infringed have undergone similar transformation. Infringements of privacy by state and non-state actors is a real danger of our times, and it required strong articulation as a fundamental right by the nation’s highest constitutional court.

Besides privacy, other legal problems, too, arise from the widespread use of technology. Take the increasing use of technology and algorithms for decisionmaking — the use of proprietary biometric matching algorithms to determine substantive legal status of identity in Aadhaar is one example.

Can a state authority delegate essential decisionmaking that determines and affects the rights of other parties to the device of technology? If so, what would be the parameters to make sure it is just, and not arbitrary? Merely because it is technology, would there be a legal presumption against arbitrariness? Would such a presumption be rebuttable or irrebuttable? If rebuttable, how can one go about rebutting such a presumption? Can it be presumed to be non-discriminatory? There are instances, for example, where facial recognition algorithms appear to work better for Caucasian faces than for coloured faces.     Given the asymmetry of information on the working of the technology — where, in most cases, the algorithm developer and the technology provider know more about the working of the technical system than the person whose interests are affected by it — on whom should the burden of proof lie if questions of arbitrariness or discrimination are raised in the working of the algorithm? If technology-assisted decisionmaking must be provably non-arbitrary and non-discriminatory, what is the standard of proof that is acceptable for various applications?

Even if we were to assume that technology may not be used as the final word, and it may only be technology-assisted human decisionmaking in the matter of, say, criminal sentencing where a predictive algorithm is used to determine the appropriate sentence, what would be the legal principles in dealing with the bias that such technical assistance provides to the final deciding authority?

This is by no means an exhaustive list.

It must be remembered that technology gives a sense of benevolent determinism to many of our life’s problems, which may, however, turn out to be false. As methods of incursion into our rights become more sophisticated, so should our means of asserting those rights and warding off the incursions.

Thursday’s landmark Supreme Court judgment has broadly drawn the parameters for technology-related state action that impacts privacy rights. However, jurisprudence in relation to other rights and other kinds of incursions will similarly need to develop to answer questions of the kind mentioned above.