The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholarUsha Ramanathandescribes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the#BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Thursday, July 20, 2017

11611 - History of Aadhaar: How Nandan’s core team came together - Your Story

Logging out of the corporate world and into the government could have unintended and collateral consequences. On 9 July 2009, at 4 p.m., when the techies at Infosys logged out to attend the farewell party of one of the founders, Nilekani told his colleagues with candour, ‘My only identity is Infosys. I leave to lead a programme which gives identity to every Indian. But today I am losing mine.’

His new identity would depend on the kind of identity he created for UIDAI. Between his meeting with Manmohan Singh and the announcement, Nilekani spent time consulting friends like Srikanth Nadhamuni, an engineer who had spent a decade and more in the Silicon Valley and ran e-Government Foundation,   T. Koshy, who ran India’s premier securities depository, the NSDL, and Sriram Raghavan of Comat Technologies, all of whom knew the challenges of inducting technology to improve the delivery of government services. 

He asked, ‘Is registering a billion persons doable?’ The answer was: yes.

Nilekani needed to find individuals to build the new institution. He needed people who knew government and who understood technology. Classical theory on governance lays much emphasis on the role of institutions in the development of the state. It is equally true that institutions are built by individuals. He had to choose his team from within the government – and quickly, so as to leverage the enthusiasm within the political system to be able to choose the right talent.

In government, whether it is hiring for a new programme or filling a routine vacancy, there is due process to follow. A list of probable candidates is compiled, including their curriculum vitae and confidential reports. These last are scarcely helpful – officers are usually graded as outstanding or very good without much detailing on the distinction. The exercise to find the right people demanded insight and inside knowledge. Nilekani sought out K.P. Krishnan, about whom it was said that he knew the civil list almost in its entirety. Krishnan suggested three names – for CEO, for CFO, and one for Nilekani to consider as private secretary (PS).

Nilekani first met with Ram Sewak Sharma. The postings held by Sharma, a 1978 batch IAS officer from the Jharkhand cadre, seemed straight out of a Bollywood script. He had been posted in the badlands where people and officers are frequently brutalised by political and other bandits. Sharma’s hobby: writing code.

Sharma acquired his first computer in 1985, as District Magistrate (DM) of Begusarai, and a year later he introduced the district to a DCM 10-D computer and wrote a code to track down lost-and-found weapons. Later, as DM of Purnea, where he was looking after the treasury, Sharma wrote a code to enable a public grievance system. Then, as deputy commissioner at Dhanbad, he used it to manage elections. 

When he learnt that government personnel on election duty were co-opted by the political parties, Sharma deployed his code-writing skills to randomise the posting of people at booths. In 2000, at the age of forty-five, Sharma went to the University of California to acquire a Masters in, well, computer science.
At first look, Sharma is the quintessential bureaucrat, polite yet foreboding. Sharma says that he had been transferred nine times in seven years in Jharkhand. Luckily, for four of those years he had additional charge of information technology, so the experiments continued. He recalls his first meeting with Nilekani at the Maurya Sheraton hotel on 1 July vividly. ‘I had heard of the new project. I knew it was going to be tech-driven. For me, it would have been another posting – one where I would work in an area of my interest.’ He told Nilekani, ‘If you have left everything to do this, have taken such a risk, I do not think there is any risk for me.’ Sharma was concerned about work division. ‘I asked him, how do we do this, and he was lucidly clear. He said, ‘Ram Sewak, you will execute the project. I have to manage the ecosystem.’

The second person Nilekani met was M.S. Srikar, an IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre and a gold medallist from the National Law School of India. Srikar was doing the mandatory mid-career training at the IAS Academy in Mussoorie when he was told his name had been put up as private secretary to the chairman of UIDAI. He jumped at the opportunity to work in a new and unique project.

UIDAI now had a chairperson, a CEO, a PS. What it needed was that all-critical component of CFO, not just someone qualified to be a chief financial officer but one who understood the intricacies of oversight and accountability within the multi-layered systems that make up the government.

Enter Ganga K., liberal arts major and a technology buff. Way back in 1989–90, as senior deputy accountant general in Chennai, Ganga had been involved in the computerisation of Provident Fund accounts in Tamil Nadu. Those days, the AG’s office had vintage Ascota accounting machines, the ones with keyboards and the kind that add and print out a sheet to be stapled to the ledger. ‘When the systems were changed,’ she says, ‘I was tasked with overseeing its implementation – it was quite an experience and converted me into a tech hobbyist.’
Ganga had just shifted to Shimla in May 2009, as the principal accountant general in Himachal Pradesh. She had heard about the UIDAI project. ‘I was intrigued and fascinated but I didn’t expect to be asked.’ Then Krishnan called her and asked, ‘Would you like to meet with Nilekani?’ A week later Ganga drove down from the hills to meet the UIDAI chairman. Nilekani reviewed her CV in detail and asked her, ‘Can you give five years to this project?’ She said yes, ‘with one caveat. I didn’t want to be just the CFO. I wanted to be involved in the conceptualisation and implementation of the project.’ Nilekani agreed instantly.

Between them, Sharma and Ganga provided Nilekani with a formidable combination. They understood technology and bureaucracy. They knew the punctuations that can free or freeze projects – the procedures, processes and pitfalls of operating in government. Old-timers will validate that allocation means nothing in government, merely a prayer, unless followed by sanctioned clearances, which is akin to the grant of a boon. Frequently, pilots and projects get stranded between these two points. The duo navigated the catacomb of words to ensure that UIDAI had, within weeks, the necessary powers to proceed and would not be held hostage to the clearance regime.

This is an excerpt from Shankkar Aiyar’s book Aadhaar: A Biometric History of India’s 12-Digit Revolution, which traces the history of this ambitious and controversial project.
(Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of YourStory.)

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