In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Saturday, August 5, 2017

11714 - Aadhaar SC hearing ends, respondents argue not all aspects of privacy should be protected under Constitution - Factor Daily


Alok Prasanna Kumar August 3, 2017

Story Highlights
  • Respondents argued that while some aspects of privacy are already protected under the Constitution not all aspects of privacy are necessarily protected or should be protected under the Constitution
  • It remains to be seen whether it is possible to break up the right to privacy into aspects which can and cannot be protected under the Constitution
  • The Supreme Court reserves judgement. The final judgement should be out before August 27 when Chief Justice of India Jagdish Singh Khehar retires
The proposed one-day hearing of the nine-judge bench of the Supreme Court (SC) ended on Wednesday, August 2, after six full days of hearing and nearly three weeks after it began. 

Though the reference was made to the nine judges to answer this question: whether the previous judgements of the SC in MP Sharma v Satish Chandra and Kharak Singh v State of UP were still in good law, the scope has expanded slowly but steadily into requiring the apex court to decide whether the right to privacy is a fundamental right, and what aspects of such right to privacy enjoy constitutional protection.

The final day saw the respondents wrap up arguments with senior advocate Rakesh Dwivedi continuing from where he left off on Tuesday, August 1, and Gopal Shankarnarayanan for the Centre for Civil Society; Arghya Sengupta (Disclosure: Arghya Sengupta is this writer’s colleague at the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy where he is a Senior Resident Fellow) for the State of Haryana; and the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India also making submissions.

Dwivedi’s approach of slicing and dicing the right to privacy was taken forward by Shankarnarayanan and Sengupta, both of whom argued that while some aspects of privacy are already protected under the Constitution not all aspects of privacy are necessarily protected or should be protected under the Constitution

Dwivedi’s approach of slicing and dicing the right to privacy was taken forward by Shankarnarayanan and Sengupta, both of whom argued that while some aspects of privacy are already protected under the Constitution (such as the right to choose and the right to one’s bodily autonomy) not all aspects of privacy are necessarily protected or should be protected under the Constitution. (You can read Dwivedi and Shankaranarayanan’s submissions here).

The post-lunch session saw the counsels for the petitioners take a few minutes each to rebut the main points made by the respondents. With time running short and the judges having indicated that they wanted to wrap up the hearing by the end of the day, most chose to rebut a specific point made by some of the lawyers for the respondents. In addition, the State of Kerala also joined four other non-NDA ruled states to argue that the Constitution did indeed protect a right to privacy. You can read the submissions on behalf of the State of Kerala here.

While the last two counsels’ arguments brought much-needed nuance to the debate, it remains to be seen whether it is possible to break up the right to privacy into aspects which can and cannot be protected under the Constitution

While the last two counsels’ arguments brought much-needed nuance to the debate (as Justice Rohinton Nariman acknowledged), it remains to be seen whether it is possible to break up the right to privacy into aspects which can and cannot be protected under the Constitution. One argument advanced by respondents almost consistently was that protecting all aspects of privacy is not desirable for reasons ranging from impinging other rights and limiting citizen choice, to standing in the way of social welfare laws. Irrespective of the reference question framed, the actual crux of the differences between the sides essentially came down to this: can the state compel you to part with certain information about yourself with no constitutional limits on what it may use it for and how it may use it?
This must not be seen purely in the context of the Aadhar law and scheme. It has implications for a whole range laws and schemes of the government which require you to part with some information about yourself, not necessarily biometric data. 
Take for example the question: should the government be allowed to collect caste, religion and socio-economic status data? The answer cannot obviously be a blanket yes or no. It will have to depend on how the government is collecting the data, what it promises to use it for, and what the statutory protections are to ensure that such data is not misused in any way.

The SC has reserved judgement on these questions and the final judgement may be out in a few weeks, at any rate before August 27 when Chief Justice of India Jagdish Singh Khehar retires

The range of misuse can be from annoyance (spam calls) to harassment (denial of welfare entitlements) to violence (targeted communal riots). This raises the question as to whether it is ever possible to dissect aspects of the right to privacy as argued? The laws may themselves may not permit such misuse, but given India’s long and troubled experience of such misuse of data, should we leave it to the government to decide when and how much it can allow use and misuse of data collected from individuals? And is it possible at all to say that absence of privacy of one’s information will not affect the right to choose or the right to bodily autonomy?

The SC has reserved judgement on these questions and the final judgement may be out in a few weeks, at any rate before August 27 when Chief Justice of India Jagdish Singh Khehar retires. Given the complexity of the issues raised and their implications for the future, this isn’t a judgement that can be hammered out overnight. Given the spirited debate multiple judges engaged in with the counsels arguing the case, it is likely that we will see multiple opinions rendered by the judges. One hopes that whatever they say and decide, the conclusions of the bench can be easily discerned and is not something that will itself be debated in future judgements!

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