In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Thursday, May 24, 2012

2583 - Lunch with BS: Nandan Nilekani The constant plumber - Business Standard



Mihir S Sharma / New Delhi May 22, 2012, 00:15 IST

Government is tougher than the private sector — but transformative, says Infosys' highly visible ex-CEO

For Nandan Nilekani, his job must seem like a constant exercise in damage control. “The difference,” he tells Mihir S Sharma, “between life in the private sector and life here is that there nobody questions your motives. Everyone knows what you are out to do.” On the critics who suspect the Unique Identification (UID) of being a sneaky attack on entitlements he says: “Whether you choose to give rice, or choose to give cash, we are giving you plumbing. Once you get into speculative motives [for why the UID exists], you can go anywhere.”

He definitely seems to feel scrutinised. The Taj’s House of Ming – which he picks over SMS without much apparent thought – has a distinctly unlovely interior, moderated only by the presence of a few pleasant, highly-visible tables overlooking the hotel’s green lawns. Nilekani looks at them doubtfully, and chooses instead a secluded corner table. It takes him a while to relax, and to stop looking warily over your shoulder.

With my first question, he launches, naturally, into damage control. The UID’s making headlines for the wrong reasons, he says. After results from pilot programmes, criticism surfaced that it wasn’t recognising fingerprints well enough. A 95 per cent success ratio, the headlines screamed, wasn’t OK. That misses the point, Nilekani insists: “There are different benefits. There is the power to enrol anywhere. Suppose there’s someone from eastern India working in Gurgaon. She can enrol with everybody else.” The other immediate benefit is de-duplication: “The biometrics ensure uniqueness, which is the real power of it... Imagine a state spends Rs 3,000 crore on a scholarship scheme... If Aadhaar de-duplication removes 15-20 per cent of the roll, those are savings right there!” Repeated across such rolls, “that itself would pay for the UID”.

The menu hasn’t yet come, and already we’re deep in wonky detail. I press him about the technical problems around verification. He explains that they’re “doing a lot of work to improve the reliability of that. We have something called best-finger detection, which identifies which of your fingers is the best. Then we have two-finger authentication. We also have non-biometric,” allowing for people to bring identity papers. “And, finally, the application will always have an override — the operator [conducting authentication] can say he’s comfortable that this is the same guy” — on a predetermined fraction of occasions, at least. I ask him about iris-based authentication, which is even more controversial. “It’s not a mature technology,” he says firmly. “But it should be ready for use soon. We’re being cautious.”

The steward finally arrives. I receive an education in how Important People are treated in restaurants. I’d rather be unimportant: mainly because it is assumed Important People are Too Busy to Order. The steward asks us if we want vegetables, chicken or meat, and tells us he’ll do the rest. Before I can interpose a panicked reply, Nilekani says: “dim sum.” The steward rushes off, and brings us a random selection. They’re terrible: undercooked and flavourless. Nilekani calls the steward over, and asks for the restaurant’s hottest sauce. The steward points to one on the table. Nilekani grins as he puts a generous dollop on his plate: “I’m sure you’re going to mention this.”

He patiently munches his chilli-smeared dim sum as I ask him about the security problem. He refuses to get drawn into a discussion of the National Population Register (NPR) and the efforts by the home ministry to torpedo his project. He smiles beatifically and says: “Everyone has already talked about that problem. It’s behind us.” When I say the NPR’s priorities have poisoned the UID’s approach, with residents being required to bring paperwork to sign up – the very opposite of the original conception – Nilekani adds, “There must be a balance between security and inclusion.” He sounds singularly unemphatic.

He’s more at home talking about how lightweight the UID project is actually supposed to be. “We’re building plumbing,” he repeats, when talking about activists’ concerns about the UID turning into a Big Brother panopticon-style mechanism, “it’s up to others to use it.” It isn’t just the UID he’s working on, he reminds me: there’s another programme, with Sam Pitroda, to link all India’s panchayats with fibre-optic cable, over the next two years. It’s a ridiculously optimistic timeframe, and I tell him so. He shrugs. I worry that he may have decided that, in Lutyens’ Delhi, unrealistic timeframes are essential for survival. So I remind him that this year’s entire Budget depends on him. The FM mentioned him by name several times in his Budget speech: is the pressure on? He agrees, results are being demanded, and he doesn’t have time for more pilots: “We have to show this thing at scale.” The UID’s rolling out in 50 districts in a few months. “The next one year is crucial for us.”

Meanwhile, I’ve decided I want the spare ribs. I ask him if he wants lamb or chicken. “Some lamb, sure,” he says — till the waiter gets there, at which point he tells him firmly: “the shredded lamb with crushed black pepper.” He gives the word “pepper” an adoring, south-Indian roll as he says it.

“One issue is connectivity. Our view is connectivity can only get better.” It’s the same forward-looking attitude he had when I complained that people were being turned away from UID enrolment centres because of the NPR’s requirements — “it’s a continuing process, more and more people will be enrolled.” Many ministries – Jairam Ramesh’s rural development in particular – complain that mobile connectivity just isn’t good enough. They want old-fashioned, manipulable smart-cards. Nilekani points out the UID uses 2G networks, and those cover most of the country, so “connectivity will go away as a problem”. And then, of course, there’s that national fibre-optic grid plan. Altogether, it’s a “tactical and not a strategic issue”. Trying to describe the strategic implications, he heads straight back to the plumbing metaphor. “The plumbing of how money reaches the villages is what is difficult.”

But plumbers only have to navigate sewers, not Lutyens’ Delhi. In government, you have to navigate “very different points of view and agendas and motivations... far more complex than in the private sector, where you are answerable to your management team, your board, your shareholders, maybe some analysts. Here you are ‘answerable’ to so many people, and they may not even agree on what they want... The environmental overheads here are higher. A substantial amount of your time and energy goes on that”.

I brood over this discouraging interpretation as our food arrives. It, too, is a disappointment. The ribs are chewy – though I manage to finish them – and the “burnt ginger” fried rice tastes, frankly, like any other fried rice, only worse. Suppose, I ask, a manager – comfortably off, 50ish, interested in policy – wants to leave the private sector. Should government be an option? “Absolutely,” he says. I tell him nobody will believe that. He laughingly explains: “Increasingly, the state’s capacity for driving transformation, for change, requires attracting such people — so there will be roles created for them.”

I’m still doubtful. He’s less cynical than most Indian managers, I say. He explains India’s state has a special role — we need to create big public goods and enhance capacity. “I’ve always been interested in change... This is a different class, a different league of change.”

His love affair with transformation had certainly been on display in his book, Imagining India. That was, he said, an attempt to create a “framework of ideas” for change. Haven’t we moved backward since then? “I don’t look backward,” he says. “Always look forward.” I immediately ask if he has any idea what he’ll do once he’s done with the UID, but he refuses, again, to speculate.

Well, what would he revise about that book? “I was more optimistic then than now,” he says, looking around at the Taj’s well-fed lunchers. He seems about to add something depressing about his time in Delhi. And then said: “It should have been much shorter… I overcompensated because I was concerned people would ask ‘who is this guy to be writing about this?’”

Nilekani is a much more restrained eater than I am — and I struggle to finish the ribs, and give up on the lamb, which is oversalted. The unfinished food stays on the table as we talk, and while I pay the hefty bill. As we walk out, I notice most un-Lutyens’ Delhi behaviour from Nilekani: he strides through the Taj’s lobby, crowded with familiar-looking power lunchers, without glancing right or left.