In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Sunday, February 3, 2013

2892 - ‘Learning’ in public policymaking


‘Learning’ in public policymaking

We seem to have a scenario where fallible technology is being pushed through by the government

There is absolutely nothing wrong in governments attempting to win elections on the back of effective policymaking and to suggest otherwise or to label cash transfers as ‘bribes’ is just plain stupid. Photo: Priyanka Parashar/Mint

In theory, the recent policy announcement regarding the direct cash transfers is a great example of implementing a learning agenda that would follow a sequence of steps—an ambitious technology platform is used to announce a roll-out, the government chooses pilot districts and then proposes to roll out the programme to the rest of the country. The reality however, is far less encouraging, with the policy announcement seemingly rushed through with an eye on the 2014 elections. There is absolutely nothing wrong in governments attempting to win elections on the back of effective policymaking and to suggest otherwise or to label cash transfers as ‘bribes’ is just plain stupid. However, unfortunately we seem to have a scenario where fallible technology is being pushed through by a government that appears not only muddled conceptually, but also one that has not thought through the entire implementation chain.

A genuine attempt at implementing a systematic learning approach would have taken care of most of these fears and also provided a platform for genuine improvisation in the use of technology in ensuring security and reliability at scale. The example of MGNREGA, often quoted by the minister for rural development, Jairam Ramesh, as another instance where the government followed a phased roll-out, starting with 200 districts in the country, is not an encouraging precedent. Seven years into the scheme, the MoRD’s Sameeksha report (2012) reveals that the average person-days per employed household has crossed 50 only once inspite of widespread distress in rural areas. Also, ensuring full and timely payments continues to be a challenge, demonstrating how last mile connectivity issues are yet to be sorted out in the implementation of government schemes.

The question that arises then is the following—what needs to be done to institute a learning cycle for policymaking? This is a question relevant for almost all kinds of policy decisions and legislations. I have, in previous columns, highlighted the importance of a monitoring and evaluation framework for organizational learning. A combination of concurrent process evaluations and ex-post evaluations can yield significant dividends for public agencies. A recent paper by Lant Pritchett, Salimah Samji and Jeffrey Hammer (Pritchett et al) for UNU-WIDER, draws on existing evaluation techniques and calls for organizations to actively seek ‘experiential learning’. This would be a structured system of iterative learning through design variations in implementation.

It is easy to see how this can be used in the case of cash transfers. Various questions regarding the efficacy of alternate implementation strategies can be tested and lessons incorporated in the programme design. For instance, it is unclear at this point how cash (or benefits, as the government now wants to call them) will actually reach the hands of the poor. How should banking correspondents be incentivized and regulated so that they may succeed where post-offices have failed before? The ministry of finance could work with its counterparts in the states and with banks to initiate pilots that test design variations. This will of course require greater coordination with a wider set of stakeholders at the design stage, but will yield a rich evidence-base that would immediately place direct cash transfers on a firmer footing. Demonstrating that the government is prepared to discard what does not work and enhance what seems to work could even convert some of the critics!

Could this also have been an opportunity to experiment with mobile money (through cellphones) at a large scale? After all, the kind of transfers that the government is talking of currently could benefit immensely from a system that integrates the Aadhar with a mobile money transfer infrastructure on the lines of Kenya’s highly successful M-Pesa—and enables monetary transactions with the local PDS outlet or kirana shop. There hasn’t been much mention of the 600 million cellphone subscriptions in this context.

It is also fascinating that while the central government has announced that the scheme will not include food subsidies, the Delhi government, led by the same political party went ahead and announced a scheme that promised a cash transfer of Rs.600 for buying food. Irrespective of these paradoxes and whether they are politically (or electorally) motivated, this slew of policy announcements is an opportunity for the governments to show that these are innovative social security promotion measures being rolled out after rigorously testing the waters.