In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Friday, March 11, 2016

9473 - Aadhaar Bill Fails to Incorporate Standing Committee’s Suggestions - The Wire



The new Aadhaar Bill does not address many issues raised by the standing committee that reviewed the original bill, including data-collection irregularities, and privacy and security issues.

In December 2010, the UPA government introduced the National Identification Authority of India (NIDAI) Bill in parliament. The Bill was meant to provide legislative backing to the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), a central government agency mandated to assign a 12-digit unique identification (UID) number, or Aadhaar, to all Indian residents. 

The Bill was referred to a standing committee on finance, headed by BJP leader Yashwant Sinha, which took evidence from the Ministry of Planning and on the UIDAI from the government, and also sought the view of the National Human Rights Commission, the Indian Banks Association and researchers, such as Dr Reetika Khera and Dr. Usha Ramanathan. The committee subsequently deemed the Bill unacceptable and suggested a re-consideration of the scheme as well as the draft legislation.

The Aadhaar programme has been plagued by issues of privacy and security, and has led to a public interest litigation being filed by retired justice of the Karnataka High Court K.S. Puttaswamy in the Supreme Court. Although the BJP had criticised the legislation and the project when it was in opposition, it has, since coming to power, decided to use the Aadhar as the identification technology for its welfare schemes, including Digital India and Jan Dhan Yojna. But the government is restricted by a October 2015 Supreme Court order prohibiting it from making the Aadhaar mandatory for availing services. A big question the government has had to answer is the lack of a legislative mandate for a project of this size. To prevent any further delays, the government withdrew the NIDAI and Finance Minister Arun Jaitley introduced The Aadhaar (Target Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Bill, 2016 on March 3. The new Bill appears to be a rehash of the old draft and none of the suggestions made by the standing committee have been taken into account.

Suggestions ignored
The Sinha-led committee had taken great exception to the continued collection of data and issuance of Aadhaar numbers, while the NIDAI Bill was pending in parliament. The report pointed that the implementation of the provisions of the Bill and continuing to incur expenditure from the exchequer was a circumvention of the prerogative powers of the parliament. 

However, the project has continued without abeyance since its inception in 2009. The new Aadhaar Bill ignores many of issues identified by the committee, some of which I have listed below.
One of the primary arguments made by proponents of Aadhaar has been that it would be useful in providing services to the marginalised sections of society who currently do not have identification cards and are thus not able to receive state sponsored services and subsidies. The committee’s report pointed out that the project would be unable to achieve this as no statistical data on these sections of society were being used by the UIDAI to provide coverage to them. The introducer systems that was supposed to provide Aadhaar numbers to those without any form of identification has been used to enroll only 0.03% of the total number of people registered. Further, the Biometrics Standards Committee of the UIDAI has itself acknowledged the issues caused due to a high number of manual labourers in India, which would lead to sub-optimal fingerprint scans. A report by 4G Identity Solutions estimates that while in any population approximately 5% of the people have unreadable fingerprints, in India it could lead to a failure to enroll up to 15% of the population. Thus, the project could actually end up excluding more people.

The report also pointed to a lack of cost-benefit analysis being done before embarking on the scheme. It also made a reference to the report by the London School of Economics on the UK Identity Project that was shelved due to the huge costs involved in the project; the complexity of the exercise and unavailability of reliable, safe and tested technology; the risks to safety and security of registrants; security measures at a scale that would have resulted in substantially higher implementation and operational costs; and the extreme dangers to the rights of registrants and public interest. The standing committee insisted that these global experiences remained relevant to the UID project and needed to be considered. However, the new Aadhaar Bill has not addressed these issues.

The committee also came down heavily on the irregularities in data collection by the UIDAI. It raised doubts about the ability of the registrars to effectively verify the registrants and a lack of any security audit mechanisms that could identify issues in enrollment. Pointing to news reports on irregularities in the process being followed by the registrars appointed by the UIDAI, the committee deemed the memorandums of understanding signed between the UIDAI and the Registrars as toothless. The involvement of private parties has been under question already with a many doubts being raised over the lack of appropriate safeguards in the contracts with these contractors.

Perhaps the most significant observation made by the committee was that any scheme that facilitated the creation of a massive database of the personal information of the country’s citizens and its linkage with other databases should be preceded by a comprehensive data protection law. The committee acknowledged that in the absence of a privacy law that governs the collection, use and storage of personal data, the UID project would lead to data abuse, and the surveillance and profiling of individuals. The current data protection framework in Section 43A under the Information Technology Act, 2000 are woefully inadequate and far too limited in their scope. While there are some protection mechanisms built into Chapter VI of the new Aadhaar Bill, these are nowhere as comprehensive as the ones articulated in the Privacy Bill, which is still in draft stage. Additionally, these protections are also subject to broad exceptions that could significantly dilute their efficacy.

Amber Sinha is a policy researcher at the Centre for Internet and Society.