In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Friday, February 7, 2020

14386 - Privacy and hunt for the code


Privacy and hunt for the code

The DNA bill and personal data protection bill have to be harmonized, read together
By Mandira Narain and Nupur Chowdhury

Published 6.02.20, 12:13 AM

In 2017, the Supreme Court recognized the right to privacy as a fundamental right. This implies the prohibition of indiscriminate collection and unnecessary use of DNA information.(Pic: Shutterstock)


The DNA technology (use and application) regulation bill and the personal data protection bill are under consideration by two separate parliamentary committees. It is necessary to discuss the nature of DNA information and to review these bills together to explore whether sufficient privacy protection has been extended to DNA information.

DNA samples are a potential source of human genetic information and can reveal sensitive health information. DNA information can also be used to trace familial linkages and have repercussions on other family members that are intergenerational and lead to the profiling of an entire community/ethnic group/caste/tribe or race. Unauthorized disclosure could lead to genetic profiling and other forms of profiling, leading to discrimination that can undermine the dignity and the privacy of the person concerned and cause grave violations of group rights. Profiling of religious, ethnic or linguistic minorities has in many jurisdictions led to their persecution.

It was precisely for this reason that the Information Technology (Reasonable security practices and procedures and sensitive personal data or information) Rules, 2011 was notified under the Information Technology Act, 2000. It referred explicitly to DNA in the definition of biometric information. Additional privacy safeguards were provided for such sensitive personal information. However, in the PDP bill, there is no explicit mention of DNA information even though any logical interpretation of ‘biometric information’ and ‘genetic information’ would require the inclusion of DNA. Such a reference to DNA information within the definitions of biometric and genetic information would obviate the possibility of illogical interpretations.

In 2017, the Supreme Court recognized the right to privacy as a fundamental right. This implies the prohibition of indiscriminate collection and unnecessary use of DNA information. DNA collection should only be mandated through a strictly consensual procedure, ensuring prior informed written consent in civil matters. In criminal investigations and trials, DNA should also be obtained consensually. In the case of arrested persons, an order by the judicial magistrate would be necessary. While obtaining the order from the judicial magistrate, it should be mentioned that the burden of proof is on the investigating officer to demonstrate how the collection of and access to DNA samples are necessary for the investigation. Furthermore, persons have to be informed in their own language while explaining the implications of DNA sharing on privacy and constitutional rights, when and for what purpose their DNA information has been shared, and when can they seek deletion of their DNA profile from the databank.


None of these privacy guarantees features in the DNA bill at present. It creates two categories of people. There is no requirement for obtaining consent of those arrested for offences punishable with death or by imprisonment of more than seven years. The second category constitutes those arrested for offences punishable with a lesser penalty. Procedurally, written consent is required for the second category, but if it is not given, it can be mandated through the order of a magistrate. The DNA bill falters on endorsing voluntary consent by opting for procedures such as consent given in writing on the order of the magistrate instead of advocating for prior informed consent. Involuntary consent, tantamount to coerced consent, seems to be integral to the DNA bill, whereas the PDP bill provides that consent necessary for processing personal data be ‘informed, free, specific, clear and capable of being withdrawn’. The DNA bill thus needs to replicate the consent provision in the PDP bill along with a provision to ensure that the person from whom bodily substance is taken for DNA testing is given the ‘right to be heard’ by a magistrate.

Profiles in the DNA databank are categorized into five indices — crime scene; suspects/undertrials; offenders; missing persons; and unknown deceased person. This ensures that searches for DNA profile match may be performed across all indices as all of them are maintained together in a single DNA databank. ‘Suspects’ are not defined under Indian law, leaving the investigating officer with complete discretion to define a ‘suspect’. It is unclear whose DNA profile will be uploaded in the ‘suspects and undertrials’ index, thus allowing the kind of searches that will lead to violations of privacy. Criminal and civil DNA databanks should also be segregated.

Significantly, the proposed Data Protection Authority of India may approve any code of practice submitted by the sectoral regulator in the interest of the data principal. Therefore, the present state of the DNA bill demands a change through the incorporation of transparency and accountability measures within the DNA regulatory architecture.

The DNA bill and the PDP bill have to be read concomitantly and harmonized in a manner which would ensure robust and effective privacy protection for DNA information.