In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Wednesday, May 7, 2014

5512 - Column: UPA’s Aadhaar miss - Financial Ex[ress


| Updated: May 03 2014, 04:22 IST

SUMMARY
There is a contradiction in mandating Aadhaar for DBT when enrollment is still projected as voluntary

Amidst the political uncertainty, there are doubts about the future of the Aadhaar-enabled Direct Benefits Transfer (DBT) scheme. The scheme, hailed as a game-changer by the UPA government, ran into trouble recently with the Supreme Court ruling that the government cannot deny a rightful beneficiary any services or payments by making Aadhaar mandatory. The Court’s ruling was welcome—Aadhaar, in its present form, needs significant corrections to overcome shortcomings in its legal mandate, division of responsibilities and liabilities, etc. The Congress manifesto, while showing its commitment to the programme and the Aadhaar platform, does not go into the details of ensuring implementation. Meanwhile, it is hardly surprising that the BJP manifesto is completely silent on Aadhaar, as well as on the DBT. It does however have an overall emphasis on technology-enabled governance, transparency and cleaning up the system. While it aims at digitisation of government records, it looks at mandating “digitisation of all government work.” So, even with the BJP, we are looking at a technology-based solution for benefits transfer.

What does the effective implementation of electronic transfer of benefits call for? To ensure that a beneficiary gets full benefits in a timely, secure manner, at the first instance, each beneficiary needs to have an unique identity recorded. This identity has to be tied to the biometrics of the person and the information has to be stored on a central digital database that can be accessed by any disbursing agent. When a beneficiary approaches the disbursement point, the agency has to have the necessary infrastructure for authentication of the beneficiary’s identity and disburse the benefit amount. Further, to ensure that there are no leakages, the databases of the numerous schemes need to be cleaned and de-duplicated so that one person alone receives what is due. This forms the basics of any successful programme that aims at delivering benefits electronically. Aadhaar provides such a platform. So, what has gone wrong? Why does the programme look so bereft?

Electronic transfers of benefits have been under discussion since the early 2000s, even during the NDA regime. The idea of a smart card had been mooted as an effective tool to plug leakages in disbursements in 2002; the tenth Five-Year-Plan had proposed a pilot for smart cards for PDS and a working group was set up for the eleventh Five-Year-Plan to examine an integrated smart card system. This group specifically recommended “using a unique national ID as the identifier necessary to avoid duplication of benefits and the beneficiaries thereby helping correct targeting”. The unique national id was to be attached to a smart card that aimed to be an “entitlement reform for empowering the poor”, which could be used across multiple services by different departments disbursing benefits. The group envisaged the use of this multi-application smart card (MASC) by private financial service providers also, not just the government. It is only by raising the scale of use, by increasing transactions on the card that such a project becomes viable. However, this MASC never took off; over the years, while there have been many schemes where government transfers or payments were made through bank or post office accounts, the smart card project ran into the basic question of who was going to finance it. Meanwhile, the electronic payments infrastructure in the country has expanded, and rural business correspondents are now being connected to the core banking system, making for real time online authentication and transactions.
An important point to note in the debate over linking Aadhaar to DBT is that whatever the mechanism used, biometric authentication is key to ensuring that the benefits reach the intended beneficiaries. Whether it is Andhra Pradesh or Orissa, disbursements of MGNREGA wages through bank accounts, in the years before Aadhaar, called for biometrics and photo identification of the beneficiary. Aadhaar has already captured the data for more than 60% of the population and is expanding; by providing a system for e-KYC that is accessible in real time from any part of the country, it goes a long way in solving the problem of KYC that plagues so many services.
Interestingly, the working group report had noted that, “Widespread application of MASCs in a country of continental dimension like India should be based on a well structured, articulated plan of action. This is a long-haul project where changing course mid-stream would be both costly, both in terms of money as well as in terms of its impact on the schemes to be administered.” Here, the UPA government has definitely erred. It has not looked at the basic contradiction in mandating Aadhaar for its DBT programme when it was still defined as being voluntary. The National Identification Authority of India Bill 2010 remains to be cleared in Parliament, the Standing Committee’s concerns remain unaddressed. With no standardised processes and procedures across banks, lack of adequate and appropriate training of bank staff and many other implementation issues, Aadhaar-enabled DBT worked very well in some districts and has been flagging in most. Further, tying Aadhaar to LPG subsidy in a mission mode complicated the entire exercise; with impending deadlines and no clear instructions, dealers, banks and customers were thrown into confusion.

Going ahead, the answer to the question of whether Aadhaar-enabled DBT is the only way to deliver government transfers, is clear. No, it is not as Aadhaar is just a tool. But it is one with an extensive centralised database, whose payment and authentication platforms are in place through the National Payments Corporation of India and have been tested. Yet, it is also clear that electronic transfer of benefits is a given. So, the relevant issue should be how to fix the current glitches, rather than trash the programme completely. There is a lot to do, but using the Aadhaar database and authentication platforms can only speed up, rather than restrict the spread of electronic benefits transfers.

Sumita Kale
The author is with the Indicus Centre for Financial Inclusion