In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Wednesday, February 7, 2018

12866 - Reviewing the passage of the Aadhaar Bill - Live Mint


Constituent assembly debates show that courts can review the Speaker’s decision to designate a Bill as a money Bill, as was done with Aadhaar

Last Published: Mon, Feb 05 2018. 12 44 AM IST


Barring review would imply that the Speaker can bypass constitutional procedures. Photo: Pradeep Gaur/Mint

The Chief Justice of India (CJI), in a recent hearing, asked if courts could review the Speaker’s decision to designate a Bill as a money Bill. This was in relation to the Aadhaar Act, 2016, controversially being passed as a money Bill. We argue that yes, the courts can indeed review the decision of the Speaker.

Under the Constitution, a Bill is enacted into law only when approved by both the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. The only exception is a money Bill, which needs approval from the Lok Sabha alone. This procedure is embedded in the Constitution.

The Aadhaar Bill, upon approval by the Lok Sabha, was certified as a money Bill by the Speaker. Accordingly, amendments suggested by the Rajya Sabha were not considered and the Bill was enacted into law. This led to a constitutional challenge by Jairam Ramesh, who alleged that the Speaker incorrectly certified the Aadhaar Bill as a money Bill, allowing the Lok Sabha to completely bypass the Rajya Sabha.

In an article, “Judicial Review And Money Bills”, in the National University Of Juridical Sciences Law Review (Pratik Datta, Shivangi Tyagi and Shefali Malhotra, Volume 10, Issue 2, 2017), we answer the CJI’s question in detail. One clear indication that the Speaker’s decision (to certify a Bill as a money Bill) is not precluded from judicial review lies in the deliberations of the constituent assembly.

The Constitution adopted the concept of money Bills from the British Parliament Act, 1911. The difference between the provisions of the 1911 Act and the Constitution reflects the intention of the constituent assembly. Section 3 of the 1911 Act accords absolute legal conclusivity to the decision of the Speaker. It reads: “Any certificate of the Speaker of the House of Commons given under this Act shall be conclusive for all purposes, and shall not be questioned in any court of law.”

Article 110(3) is the corresponding provision in the Constitution. It accords finality to the decision of the Speaker. It reads: “If any question arises whether a bill is a Money Bill or not, the decision of the Speaker of the House of People thereon shall be final.”

The constituent assembly avoided the words “conclusive for all purposes” and “shall not be questioned in any court of law”, steering clear of an explicit bar on judicial review of the Speaker’s decision. 

This can be attributed to three crucial differences in the constitutional scheme of both countries. First, the UK follows parliamentary sovereignty, where the legislature is supreme, while India treats its Constitution as supreme. 

Second, the Constitution is based on the doctrine of separation of powers, while the UK does not have formal separation of powers between the three branches of government. 

Third, the Indian Parliament has to follow procedures laid down by itself and those written into its Constitution. The UK does not have a written constitution, hence it is impossible to violate it.

Barring judicial review of the Lok Sabha Speaker’s decision would imply that the Speaker, an officer of the legislature, can bypass constitutional procedures with impunity and that the judicial review power of courts is relinquished to this officer. This would have been at odds with the overall scheme of the Indian Constitution.

The intention to uphold judicial review as the supreme arbiter of due process in Parliament is further reflected in the debate on Article 122. Article 122 states that “the validity of any proceedings in Parliament shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure”.

H.V. Kamath suggested an amendment that would ensure the proceedings could not be “called in question in any court”. Rejecting this suggestion, B.R. Ambedkar replied: “I do not think it is necessary, because where can the proceedings of Parliament be questioned in a legal manner except in a court? ...the only forum where the proceedings can be questioned in a legal manner and legal relief obtained either against the President or the Speaker or any officer or Member, being the Court, it is unnecessary to specify the forum.”

This is a categorical clarification that the constituent assembly did envisage judicial review over the legality of Parliamentary proceedings, except in the case of any alleged irregularity of procedure, i.e. rules of procedure laid down by Parliament itself. The immunity does not extend to violation of any procedure laid down under the Constitution (including the decision of the Speaker to certify a Bill as a money Bill).

The endorsement of the Speaker’s certificate on money Bills is based on the recommendation of the expert committee on financial provisions. The intention was to avoid controversies “about matters outside the lower house”. It can be concluded that the Speaker’s certificate on money Bills was to avoid any controversy on the issue before other arms of Parliament, the upper house and the president. It was never to allow the Speaker free reign over crucial parliamentary business, in subversion of the Constitution.

Constituent assembly debates do not provide answers to many constitutional questions. The framers could not have envisioned a world where biometric identity would be ubiquitous. However, sometimes the debates throw light on what the intention was. 

In this particular case, the debates answer the CJI’s question directly.

Shefali Malhotra is a researcher at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy.

First Published: Sun, Feb 04 2018. 11 19 PM IST