In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Wednesday, February 28, 2018

12894 - We shouldn’t kill innovation in the name of privacy: Ravi Shankar Prasad on Aadhaar debate - Hindustan Times


We will ensure no one is excluded from welfare schemes for lack of Aadhaar, law and IT minister Ravi Shankar Prasad said in an exclusive interview to HT.

INDIA Updated: Feb 24, 2018 07:33 Ist

Shishir Gupta and R Sukumar 
Hindustan Times, New Delhi



Law minister Ravi Shankar Prasad during an interview at his office in New Delhi.(Sonu Mehta/HT Photo)

Union minister for law and IT Ravi Shankar Prasad spoke to Hindustan Times’ Shishir Gupta and R Sukumar on the controversial issue of judicial appointments, and the even more controversial issue of Aadhaar. Edited excerpts:
The memorandum of procedure or MoP on appointment of judges to the higher judiciary seems stuck with the court. What’s the way forward?
The need for improving the collegium system has been there for a long time. Even in the NJAC judgment… many of the concurring judges have said there is a need to reform the collegium system. Our whole view is that there is a compelling need for better screening of candidates. This particular stand we have taken and sent the matter to the Supreme Court. On July 11, 2017, the then secretary of the department wrote to the court saying there is a need for better screening.
We have a serious reservation about the NJAC judgment. A rare consensus in the polity of the country, based upon proper recommendations for change, was annulled by the court. We also have serious reservations with the reasoning of the judgment. But we have accepted and respected it. Our commitment to an independent judiciary is complete and total.
The collegium system is a judge invented platform — in 1993. It’s been exactly 24-25 years that it has been around. Before that it was a process involving the government, the CJI, even the home minister has been involved. Some of the biggest legal luminaries in the Indian system have come from that period.
Twenty-five years down the line, don’t you think there is a case for some audit by the SC itself, without reference to the government, on how the collegium system has functioned? It is time for them to have some audit. There is a need for correction.
As far as our record is concerned, we have appointed 126 high court judges in 2016, 115 in 2017 and eight so far in 2018. The average appointment since 1989 has been 79 to 82.
We have also made 170 additional judges permanent in the last three years.
And don’t forget. We came to power in 2014. We came up with the NJAC law. For almost two years, it was stuck in the courts.
Have you done some sort of audit of the collegium system’s appointment?
No, it’s not my job. I respect the independence of the judiciary.
But surely I will ask one question — If you are sending 30 names, those 30 names are picked from how many names?
We had suggested in the MoP that all judges should give names. There must be a corpus from which you pick up.
There must be a mechanism. For instance, (the collegiums should say), we considered these 50 candidates, or 60; here is the criteria we measured them on; and we picked up these 20. Right now, we just get the names. We respect the judiciary’s choice. But the norms of screening, how the recommended names were chosen, have to be there. This is our main contention.
The government has the view that there is a need to review the screening mechanism. But this I want to say very clearly: my law ministry is not a post office. We have a role to play in MoP.
When the NJAC judgment and other judgments are full of the need to make the collegium system more objective, more transparent, the transparency in the consideration of names is equally important.
What is the road ahead? There’s no movement on MoP to show.
But work isn’t stopping; we are appointing judges…
But who is going to resolve the issue?
By consultation we have to do it. We have some ideas. Would the screening committee be different from the collegium? But all these will also have to be decided upon by the judges themselves. We are not in the game.
But right now when there is internal turmoil in the court…
On turmoil, I have nothing to say except that I trust their statesmanship and foresight to handle that.
The ideal situation is to have something like the NJAC. Would any other thing, such as the MoP being discussed be a compromise, or can it achieve the objective?
It can be achieved. We have conveyed our views and am hoping we can arrive at a meaningful conclusion.


There is all sorts of buzz that lines of communication have broken down, that the SC and the law ministry do not engage…
No. There is a meaningful and purposive engagement. But we have stayed out of their internal situation.
But in general, there is a perception that there haven’t been enough appointments. How many judges to the lower courts have you appointed since the NDA government came to power in 2014?
In the high courts there are 404 vacancies. For 288 posts, the recommendation hasn’t come from the collegium.
There are close to 5,000 posts of subordinate judiciary vacant. In the appointment of the subordinate judiciary, the government of India has no role and the state government has only the administrative role of issuing the notification.
In some high courts, including Delhi, they conduct the examination for appointments themselves. In many, at their recommendation, the state public services commission does.
There is a compelling case for a more professional subordinate judiciary — I have always said that. Even if you don’t call it a National Judicial Service, there are so many good law schools these days that we must have a proper all India merit-based examination.
In terms of our support to the cause — as far as supporting infrastructure is concerned — as on date, we have a centrally sponsored scheme for development of legal infrastructure. It is there from 1993-94. As on date, Rs 6,020 crore has been released. Of this, Rs 2,575 crore has been released since May 2014. That is our support.
There seems to be a paucity of law officers and you haven’t been able to appoint a Solicitor General of India.
We are in the process of doing so.
Despite what you say about continuing appointments, there are clearly flashpoints. For instance, the tussle over the appointment of Justice KM Joseph of the Uttarakhand high court as recommended by the collegium… How do you resolve this?
I don’t want to comment publicly on this; there is a mechanism available to address this. The norms for such appointments have also been laid down in the 1993 and 1998 judgments concerning the collegium. I don’t want to say any more.
Fine, now about Aadhaar…
I won’t comment on the legal aspects which are sub judice…
The biggest fear about Aadhaar is that far from being inclusive, it becomes exclusive…
… I’ve already addressed that. We will ensure no one is excluded from welfare schemes for lack of Aadhaar. I have myself taken care of this after hearing some reports, although the state government concerned has denied this. No poor shall be denied food because of the absence of Aadhaar. And in case there is a mismatch of biometrics, to just note down the Aadhaar number and give the ration. But if there is a stray case of failure, the system can’t be faulted.
… and, because it is a convenient Know Your Customer mechanism for private companies, they have started using it for a lot of things…
If they are found wanting or misuse this, they have been punished
... So, does it make sense at all to link it to so many things? To sort of use it for everything?
I would put it differently. You need IDs for lots of things — from entering buildings to getting a passport. Some degree of authentication by a document has become necessary. This whole issue of demonisation of biometrics isn’t on. Privacy can’t be a tool for the corrupt and for terrorists.
We have a very robust mechanism – the Aadhaar Act.
What about privacy where you have a draft put out by a committee on a privacy and data protection law?
We are going to have a very robust law. But there has to be a balance between data availability, data utility, data anonymity, and data privacy. As IT minister, I am very keen that India becomes the global hub for data analytics. Data is the new oil. Should we kill innovation in the name of privacy? No.

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