In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Monday, June 29, 2015

8192 - Editorial: A less unequal India - Financial Express

Agriculture growth at the heart of the change

By: The Financial Express | June 26, 2015 12:09 am

While close to a third of rural India continues to remain poor—the first national Socio Economic Caste Census (SECC) puts the number at 31.26% for 2013—there are several pieces of good news coming out from this and associated data as well. For one, unlike in the past where poverty numbers were estimates based on the National Sample Survey data, leaving each state to come out with its list, the SECC is a lot more rigorous and is based, as the name suggests, on a census, not a sample. It has been subject to rigorous cross-checking with the data put out in the public to invite objections from those in each locality, for instance. Second, with the states agreeing to the lists, this means there is now a national list of poor people for 2012-13. With this list now final—it will be made public next month—it can be matched against the Aadhaar database and, at a later date, linked to bank as well as post office accounts. None of this is a simple task. The Aadhaar database, for instance, has more or less been cleaned up but the quality of the Jan-Dhan accounts is suspect in the sense that this has not been matched against the Aadhaar database, nor has it been linked to the SECC database. That exercise will now have to be done, and could take anywhere up to a year. But, should the government decide, it will be physically possible to give out cash subsidies within a year’s time.

The other piece of good news comes from comparing NCAER’s NSHIE survey of 2004-05 with the 2013-14 ICE survey conducted by Rajesh Shukla, the driving force behind NCAER’s NSHIE surveys. While NSHIE shows an income Gini coefficient of 0.466, ICE shows a Gini of 0.386, which means a substantial fall in inequality. The reason for this, in statistical terms, is that the share of the bottom quintile in India’s income has risen from 5.2% to 6.6% while that of the top quintile has fallen from 52.7% to 46.1%. The reason for this is simple: the last decade has been one of high agriculture growth, so the poor benefited a lot. Between FY03 and FY12—the data series changed after that—for instance, annual agriculture growth averaged 4.3%. More important, agriculture growth was very high in states with high levels of poverty—in other words, a double-pronged attack on poverty. Madhya Pradesh which has a 31.6% poverty ratio had an annual agriculture growth of 10.2% over the past decade while Jharkhand which has 37% poor people witnessed a 9.2% growth. Also, across the country, there was a large shift towards non-farm labour as well—the proportion of households who were engaged in only agriculture was 56% of total rural households a decade ago based on the NSHIE data and is 36% based on the ICE data—which has also resulted in income share of the bottom quintile rising. This shift is also intuitively obvious when you look at the sharp rise in rural wages over the past few years. While it is true rural India is not the same as agriculture—according to ICE, 60% of rural income comes from non-agriculture—the catch here is that with agriculture growth slowing to the 1.7% it has over the last three years, a large part of the falling-inequality miracle will fade away.