In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Tuesday, February 13, 2018

12955 - Big Data, Large Concerns - Indian Express

Consent and accountability should be at the core of the new privacy law.


Written by Amba Kak , Jason Schultz | Updated: February 12, 2018 1:50 am


 The risk of a single breach grows with each new wave of data scooped up or shared.

The Supreme Court recently affirmed a fundamental right to privacy. The government is now moving to enact a data privacy law, the Justice Shri Krishna Committee has released a comprehensive report and the consultation process is coming to a close. Multiple legal challenges against Aadhaar — many involving citizens’ privacy — are being heard before the Supreme Court. The government is keen to assure the judges and the public that there are enough safeguards to keep the programme legal. But the privacy law will impact more than the future of Aadhaar. It will set the terms on which Indians share intimate data about themselves with both the government and a growing number of private companies.

Already, the Committee might be walking a troublesome path. It has suggested that while in the past “it was possible to limit the collection of data to satisfy a particular purpose”, in the era of big data “this may no longer hold true”. While the Committee does well to endorse the importance of user consent generally, when it comes to big data they suggest, “consent may not be as relevant”. Its effort to distinguish big data’s privacy modes from other data instead seems to echo an increasingly popular argument in policy circles globally — what Helen Nissenbaum refers to as “big data exceptionalism”. It’s the belief that regulating the collection of big data is impossible and undesirable. So the focus should be exclusively on preventing harmful uses and outcomes data. In India, prominent tech lawyer Rahul Matthan has argued that India should adopt an “accountability framework” rather than a consent framework. Why not both?

Big data exceptionalism is an attractive position, no doubt. Creating a regulated process to govern data collection can seem impractical, especially when the data is often an unexpected byproduct of everyday interactions — every step we take with our GPS-enabled phone, every post we “like” on Facebook, every purchase we make, every advertisement we watch. Supporters of big data exceptionalism also make the positive “profit” claim that unfettered data collection can unlock innovation. But this is just as likely to create real threats. Some of our research with Kate Crawford (cited by the Shri Krishna Committee) explores the far reaching consequences of big data and its “predictions” on our personal rights, especially when they are used to decide what to sell us, which businesses will interview us for jobs, and even what news we are allowed to see. A more forensic assessment of the threats of big data exceptionalism is needed.

Firstly, unregulated collection of data dramatically increases the risk of breach. If unlimited quantities of data are gathered and stored — even if they are never analysed or applied to any uses — the risk of a single breach grows with each new wave of data scooped up or shared. The frequency and fallout of data breaches becomes more apparent each day, from Aadhaar in India to Equifax in the US. Second, unregulated data collection opens up new modes of surveillance, both government and corporate, that can have an extreme chilling effect on online freedoms. The European Court of Justice noted, the mere collection of data “is likely to generate in the minds of the persons concerned the feeling that their private lives are the subject of constant surveillance”.

The concept of big data exceptionalism abandons two globally recognised privacy principles — principles India should be embracing. First is “collection limitation”: The principle that there must be a legal basis for any collection of data. User consent is a powerful basis because we can withdraw it when a company abuses our data or its power over us. Even if we accept that consent fatigue is a reality (no one reads privacy policies), there are other bases to regulate data collection. Indeed, most data protection laws around the world already acknowledge that the benefits of big data can be recognised through other means than consent if the circumstances are appropriate, such as when the data collection is in the vital interest of the individual, or fulfils a legitimate interest of the data controller. So concerns over squelching innovation are likely overblown. The second is “data minimisation”, the principle that entities must only collect as much data as is narrowly tailored to the purpose they seek to achieve, and no more. Mandating data minimisation as a design principle compels inquiry into proportional data collection right at the outset — a philosophy often referred to as privacy by design.
For the sake of citizens’ privacy, we hope the committee will not abandon these traditional privacy rules under the cloud of big data exceptionalism. It is easy to remove protections; it is hard to put them back in place.


Kak and Schultz are Mozilla technology policy fellows. Schultz, a professor of clinical law, is research lead for the AI Now Institute at New York University