In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Saturday, January 15, 2011

1040 - Illusion Of Embrace - Outlook India

ECONOMY: FINANCIAL INCLUSION
 
Illusion Of Embrace
Despite lofty objectives, the reality of financial inclusion remains dismal
ARTI SHARMA , LOLA NAYAR






Reshma Chavan, 43 - She owns a shirt-making factory in Mumbai and is entirely dependent on seasonal wholesale orders. Her inability to repay her loan from the MFI has left her with inadequate funds to expand. Without direction, her access to organised credit means little to her.

The Missing Link

MFIs: Apart from issues of interest rates and recovery of credit, inadequate handholding to ensure lending for livelihood
 
Banking: Overemphasis on opening of accounts and not usage; lending rather than savings becomes the key aspect
 
Insurance: Stumped by the challenge of selling small-premium and simple products, distributing and servicing them
 
Pensions: Consumers finding it difficult to understand products; issues are duration of the scheme, sustainability and delivery of pension
 
Markets, MFs: Expanding involvement with stockmarkets is completely non-existent

Despite all those schemes, conferences and acronyms, the noble aim of financial inclusion—a catchy buzzword for taking financial services to those who need them the most—is faltering. It’s not just microfinance lending that has problems; there are implementation issues with banking and other financial services reaching the last mile as well. No doubt, it’s an enormous task (only 50,000 of India’s 6,00,000 villages have access to banking). The problem is that the needs of the financially excluded population vary so vastly that it’s difficult to design, distribute and service these customers through one single model. What we have right now is a royal mess.

There have been some success stories—and failures—in inclusion models. But the overall lack of clarity is apparent when one sees policymakers grappling with fundamental questions. For instance, is the opening of, say, 1,000 savings  accounts in a district enough to define it as being financially inclusive? Or, is the coverage of a certain number of people to meet rural and microinsurance regulatory targets the right roadmap? How do we ensure the ability to create and save wealth for a population with intermittent income? “Currently there is no government programme that has matched up to its own set goals. They may appear good, but are ill-designed,” says Dr M. Mahadeva, economist and member, Karnataka Public Service Commission.

There are no easy answers. Instead, as the MFI story has shown us, there’s chaos. The sector is currently grappling with a liquidity crunch, issues of whether it should be regulated on the capping of interest rates and the recovery of credit. Sudha Pillai, secretary, Planning Commission, points out, “I’ve always been sceptical about the way the MFI sector has been evolving and I’m not surprised that the bubble has burst. We got carried away by the availability of credit.”

At the heart of the raging MFI debate is the challenge of which business model to follow. Should there be handholding by the MFI to ensure lending leads to productive returns—or should just access to lending be sufficient? One thing is clear: you can’t have a one-size-fits-all strategy for a country so large and heterogeneous. Also, traditionally there has been no incentive to reach out to rural India. “You may use expenses and cost arguments as an excuse, but the biggest hindrance is that the players and policymakers have not understood the behaviour patterns of that other India,” argues Ashvin Parekh of Ernst & Young.

“There is no government programme that has matched up to its own set goals. They appear good but are ill-designed.”M. Mahadeva, Karnataka Public Service Commission

Reema Nanavaty of SEWA, one of the successes of an inclusive model, has some pointers to what’s going wrong. “Microfinance should keep the poor at the centre. But instead what is happening is expansion of financial institutions is keeping the poor out.” SEWA attributes its success in lending and investment to the financial literacy programme and delivery mechanism run by the SEWA Bank. It is thanks to the forming of a large group that SEWA is able to offer its members microlending, pensions and insurance schemes. The biggest challenge is to ensure that members continue to remain part of the group through the duration of the scheme in order to have adequate social security. For this, there also needs to be a stable and secure administration, funds and risks need to be managed to ensure people get the real value of their savings over a period of time.

The broader problem is that while the packages for financial inclusion are novel and even welcome, the delivery mechanisms have not changed. “In the absence of income security, financial inclusion becomes very difficult to achieve. Many of these packages fail to address the fluctuating nature of livelihood. Many, like microfinance credit, push them further into dependence rather than address the basic problem of pulling them out of financial or economic distress,” avers Prof G. K. Karanth, head of the Centre for Study of Social Change and Development. That’s why, as Mahadeva says, after three years of extensive research into various financial inclusion schemes, “hardly 3 per cent of people are aware of the initiatives”.

The problem is that the regulator of each financial service segment is looking at financial inclusion in its own way. Other issues like complexity of products, delivery and service issues cloud matters further. “There’s a clear lack of cohesive thinking. It’s like the case of the six blind men and the elephant. We first have to start by recognising it’s an elephant and then move on from there,” points out Gautam Bhardwaj of Invest India Economic Foundation.

Recently, RBI deputy governor K.C. Chakraborty dismissed a few myths about financial inclusion: “It is not their (banks) willingness but the lack of ability to deliver which is coming in the way. The second myth is that the cost of achieving financial inclusion is too high. In reality, costs can easily be borne by banks. Thus, the basic problem is not the cost or willingness, but the absence of business model and technology-based models.” One of the ways forward, experts say, is to look at pilots across various pockets of India rather than one approach. Take a district, make a customised model work there, and then move on to another, tweak the model and so on. While comprehensive, this requires constant monitoring—technology can aid this in a big way.

Another idea is to set up new institutions that will target this segment exclusively. This would require active involvement from both state and central governments. While the introduction of business correspondents—who will sell products down the line—are ways to grow, effectively using other existing channels like India Post need to be looked at as well.

Essentially, what it boils down to is a constant evolution of policy, products, approaches based on the learnings from these pockets of small successes. For instance, Aviva Life Insurance, which has seen profits from rural and microbusiness last year, has had to revamp products and develop processes like on-the-spot claims through its MFI partner Basix. Monica Agrawal, director, corporate initiatives and business development,  Aviva, believes the microsector is currently at a cusp and going forward technology is going to play a huge role in helping various components of the banking and financial sector to collaborate together to make things work. Either way, policymakers need to quickly react to the lessons learnt; else, financial inclusion will remain as elusive a concept as it is today.
 
By Arti Sharma and Lola Nayar