In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Thursday, May 26, 2011

1344 - Can cash transfers work for subsidy schemes? - Source- Business Standard

Business Standard / New Delhi May 25, 2011, 0:26 IST
Cash transfers effected through smart cards can go a long way in enabling the beneficiary and revamping the public distribution system, but one can’t vouch for them as a better option to tackle leakages and corruption.

SUMITA KALE
Chief Economist, Indicus Analytics

Smart cards should not be seen as an either/or solution but as one step forward in an overhaul of a system that desperately needs repair

The Budget proposal to bring in cash transfers for subsidies has ignited a strident debate. Yet, as the finance minister said in his Budget speech, “We have deliberated for long the modalities of implementing such subsidies. The debate now has to make way for decision.” The intent for action has been spelt out clearly and as Planning Commission member Saumitra Chaudhuri told Business Standard recently, the beginning would be made in food subsidy and the transfer effected through a smart card, to be recharged every month, according to the entitlement of the beneficiary. The card can be used to buy any food product of choice from any designated store or fair price shop. The government intends to then take up LPG and kerosene subsidies and thereafter fertiliser, for which the issues of identifying the beneficiary are complicated.

So what is the debate here about? Let us look at the crux of the problem — simply put, there are poor people who need help for basic necessities, both goods and services, there is no dispute about the need for public welfare schemes, no dispute about the need for subsidies. There is also no dispute that a large part of the huge government subsidy bill is not reaching the intended beneficiary, leakages are well documented even in government reports. The issues lie in correctly identifying the target beneficiaries and choosing between whether these goods and services are given in the form of the entitlement as is being done today or in the form of payment towards buying that entitlement.

Smart cards are not a new concept. Arvind Virmani and P V Rajeev had mooted this idea in a 2002 Working Paper for the Planning Commission. The idea of an integrated smart card can actually be a reality now thanks to the UID, the spread of banking through business correspondents and mobile payments. The benefits of a smart card in enabling the beneficiary are obvious, as the various pilot projects across the country have shown already. However, it is important to remember that even if the facility is extended to health and education, it does not absolve the government of its responsibility towards providing quality services in these sectors. Given the inequalities in access to basic services, public delivery of the basics of health and education cannot be done away with.

The point of concern would be countering inflation, when calculating the amount of cash transfer required for a given amount of grain. Global experience shows that in times of stress – whether from high rising prices or emergencies – food transfers are the most favoured option for reaching the poor. Revamping the PDS is an imperative.

Smart cards, under the proposed cash transfer scheme, therefore, should not be seen as an either/or solution but as one step forward in an overhaul of a system that desperately needs repair. Apart from food subsidies, there are other welfare programmes that can be brought under the smart card. In fact, according to a McKinsey study “Inclusive Growth and Financial Security” last year, a complete e-payment solution that would link government departments and households across the country would directly benefit the country by Rs 1 lakh crore and the largest benefit would accrue to the welfare schemes to the tune of 83 per cent of total savings. The potential savings in one year could take care of the entire cost of the Food Security Act. Seen another way, the savings are equivalent to the entire expenditure on Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan since it started. The study estimates that the cost of installing a comprehensive platform would be recovered through savings in the first year itself.

The gains that come from establishing a clear trail of funds will be invaluable for the country; not just in ensuring that the benefits reach the target, but also by creating an environment in which it will be more difficult to skim public money, thereby creating goodwill for public programmes.

ARVIND KEJRIWAL
Activist & Member, Joint committee drafting the Lok Pal Bill


The cash transfer option is just an excuse to cover up a government’s failure to monitor and keep the ration system working properly

Cash transfers would have worked better for subsidy schemes if they really were a better option. But this is not necessarily the case. The National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme is a good example of cash transfer and it is a story of leakages that everyone knows. Though workers have accounts opened in their names, the wages don’t reach them. They don’t get work in the first place.

Another cash transfer programme that has been in existence for some time is the pension scheme for old people and widows. Some time ago, we as part of our NGO Parivartan made a Right to Information application and obtained the list of people receiving the old age pension in a certain constituency in Delhi. We then made house-to-house visits and asked these “beneficiaries” about the Rs 400 pension they were receiving every month. None of them was getting it. They were not even aware they were part of any programme. They, however, told us that their passbooks were with the Member of the Legislation Assembly (MLA) who gave them Rs 200 every month. We learnt that the MLA’s office had been signing on behalf of all these people and drawing the pension money each month. The people were happy thinking that the MLA was a kind-hearted man who was generously giving them Rs 200 a month.

So, if cash transfer itself has been proven to be prone to corruption and leakage, how can it be a better option? The Delhi government is currently doing a pilot project for cash transfer to replace its public distribution system. The chief minister has said that eventually all ration shops would be closed and money be given to card holders. Now, how wise is that?

Under the pilot Rs 1,000 is being given to the card holders to buy 32 kg of wheat, five kg of sugar, ten kg of rice and six litres of kerosene. This amount of money, unless it is made inflation-sensitive, would not fetch these quantities in a matter of months. Even if it is sufficient money, what is the guarantee that it would be used by needy households to buy food and material? Alcoholism is rampant in homes and even if the money is put in a woman’s account, how much does it take for the man of the house to appropriate it from her? The woman is vulnerable and the money makes her more vulnerable. The ration card system, where it works, is a big support for families, especially poor ones. The cash transfer option is just an excuse to cover up a government’s failure to monitor and keep the ration system working properly.

For instance, the Delhi government may find the cash transfer working smoothly with no leakages because it is a pilot of just 100 families. If you distributed foodgrain rations to 100 families, even that would be foolproof. So the real challenge is to see how the direct cash subsidy works on a larger scale.

Then, there is the question of choice. How can you snatch an entitlement of foodgrain from millions of people and force them to take cash without any guarantee that the cash would be delivered?

If you cannot guarantee the distribution of foodgrain you cannot guarantee cash either.

Another serious concern is the interference of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and other players in a decision that should be taken with local consent. And distribution of foodgrains to the poor is the basis of an ongoing case in Supreme Court as is the basis of the food security Bill, the draft of which has been drawn up by the National Advisory Council led by Sonia Gandhi. So why talk of scrapping rations while making a Bill for food security?

As told to Sreelatha Menon