In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Sunday, June 12, 2011

1388 - Corruption eats into PDS Grain in Maoist Corridor

Supriya Sharma
June 12th 2011

KONTA (DANTEWADA): Every Monday, a cavalcade of bullock carts crosses over from Andhra Pradesh into Chhattisgarh, bumping along a forest path, carrying soap, oil, rice and traders. They set up makeshift shops in Kishtaram, a village deep inside Dantewada. The soap often remains unsold, but within three hours, the rice is usually exhausted.

"Thirty quintals are sold, on an average at Rs 14 a kilo," says Nageshwar Rao, a trader. Isn't that a lot for a village in Chhattisgarh where the government provides 35kg of rice at Rs 2 a kg per family? Rao gives a wry smile. "You know the truth, don't you?"

It seems everyone does, and has for a while. Chhattisgarh takes great pride in its PDS system. After a slew of reforms since 2004, it is seen as among the best in the country. The poor get cheap rice, village-level institutions like panchayats and co-operatives run the shops.

But normal rules don't apply to conflict-affected Dantewada. Here, in Konta, the district's biggest block, as big as the state of Goa, one man has nearly monopolised both the distribution and transport of PDS rice. For the last five years, he has allegedly diverted a big portion of grain to markets in Orissa and Andhra, selling it illegally, depriving the poor of grain.

While the diversion is hard to prove, his monopoly was busted when a team travelled to Konta recently to investigate allegations of corruption.

The visit was triggered by the events of March: homes and granaries in three villages were torched, allegedly by the police. The Supreme Court asked social activist Harsh Mander to visit the affected villages. The state government sent food secretary Vivek Dhand to accompany him. Mander found "people living with starvation, in conditions of great penury and destitution". Dhand was inundated with complaints of corruption in PDS.

Dhand sent Rajiv Jaiswal, joint director of the state food corporation, on a fact finding mission. He travelled with Samir Garg, advisor to the Supreme Court on food schemes.

They came back with stunning findings: Of 61 shops in Konta, 41 were being run by just one marketing society. It was also transporting the grain. "To give the agency that runs the shop the job of transporting the grains is a clear violation of rules," Jaiswal noted in his report to the secretary.

In the first week of May, the secretary wrote to the collector of Dantewada: "Barring three shops, cancel the allocation of all other shops being run by the marketing society. Cancel its transport job, give it to a transporter selected by the food corporation."

A month later, the order is yet to be implemented. "Shiva Soni is a powerful man," explains a local journalist. Soni is the head of Konta Marketing society.

A resident of Raipur, he moved to Konta in 2006 when violence had ripped it apart and thousands had been moved into Salwa Judum camps. "The government decreed that rice would be given free to all," recalls Kavasi Lakhma, the Congress MLA. "That's when Soni floated a fake marketing society. In those chaotic days, no one stood and counted how many people were in the camps and how much grain was being distributed. It was easy to fudge figures, make a fortune and share the spoils with Judum leaders, the police, and administration," said Lakhma.

"I think my work should be seen as social service," says Soni, denying the allegations. "It is not easy to work in a conflict area."

But Lakhma claims it is precisely the conflict that keeps corrupt traders like Soni in business. As Jaiswal's report states, 61 shops, meant to be located in 61 different panchayats, are currently being run from just 16 locations, mostly inside Salwa Judum camps. "With villagers living far away, the shops function without any scrutiny," says Samir Garg, advisor to the Supreme Court. "No wants wants to relocate them since everyone had a vested interest," says Lakhma.

Except the adivasis. If Madavi Singa wishes to collect his quota of cheap rice, he must walk 45km to Maraiguda camp, where the Kishtaram ration shop is located. Those living in Nimmalguda village must walk even further, a distance of 60km. "No one does it," says Singa. Instead, the poor adivasis buy food from Andhra traders at higher prices. Meanwhile, on paper, Kishtaram ration shop continues to distribute hundreds of quintals of cheap rice each month.

While Kishtaram may be an extreme case, elsewhere in Konta, people said they were getting rations just once in two months.

The total allocation of rice to Konta in 2010-11 was approximately 93,000 quintals. At a conservative Rs 1,200 a quintal, it is worth Rs 11 crore. Soni's society controls two-thirds of the shops, and all the transport. Just how much money does he and the others make? It's anybody's guess.