With the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance sending back the National Identification Authority of India Bill, 2010, in its present form to the government, that debate has entered the public domain. This essay contributes its two cents to that debate.
But to say that the program is undesirable, redundant and the project has been rejected (as opposed to sent back in its present form) is gross misrepresentation of the truth. As the Google data shows, people are looking for it. It is not a sensational issue that people just want to read about. Like CBSE results, it is something that is of use to them. The fact that it is not Unique ID or Unique ID bill or even Aadhar but specifically Aadhar card that they are searching for gives us a clue to what they actually are after.
The debate, hence, is not about whether we need a program like this but how to go ahead implemeting it so that national effort is not duplicated, there is an optimized utilization of resources, and yet we achieve the dream.
The Politics
Dataquest, in its issue dated January 31, 2010 (that is about two years back) had pointed this out in a cover story and noted clearly that the Unique ID project has to be seen in that context.
Almost a year prior to that, on December 11, 2007, on the Dataquest Annual Award Night, Nilekani, the chairman of the Dataquest Jury, in his address had passionately talked of an urgent need to create a national identity system in India. Most part of his speech was dedicated to this topic.
But the concept of a national citizen database is much older. It originated during NDA rule. Way back in August 2003, an empowered council of ministers, headed by the then home minister L K Advani had agreed to create what it called the Multipurpose National Identity Card (MNIC).
A press release issues on August 21, 2003, parts of which were reproduced by Dataquest in its January 2010 story, makes it amply clear.
Illegal migration has assumed serious proportions. There should be compulsory registration of citizens and non-citizens living in India. This will facilitate preparation of a national register of citizens. All citizens should be given a Multi-purpose National Identity Card (MNIC) and non-Multi-purpose National Identity Card (MNIC) and non-citizens should be issued identity cards of a different color and design. This should be introduced initially in the border districts or may be in a 20-km border belt and extended to the hinterland progressively. The Central Government should meet the full cost of the identity card scheme.
A URL, http://mnic.nic.in, which was created for the purpose was there well onto 2010. BJP again included it in its IT vision documentpart of its 2009 poll manifestoand accused the UPA government of sleeping over it.
The most prominent point that the Standing Committee, headed by Yashwant Sinha, a senior minister in the NDA government, has raised just brings out that old question.
The Committee have received a number of suggestions for restricting the scope of the UID scheme only to the citizens and for considering better options available with the Government by issuing Multi-Purpose National Identity Cards (MNICs) as a more acceptable alternative, it notes. MNIC was the NDAs version of the Unique ID project.
The problem statement for NDA was India was facing a lot of illegal immigration problem. MNIC was its solution to that.
The idea in this essay is not to go into evaluating which is a more worthwhile issue to tackle but to point out that the two problem statements are separate. And hence the two solutions have to be different. We will not go anywhere trying to measure the succcess of one with the other objective in mind.
What about creating something that would address both the issues and more? The National Population Register (NPR) is a step towards that direction.
That would be a mega database with all the information. While that has its own questions associated with itsuch as privacy, who has access to information, how do you collect reliable information, what is the cost associated with itit is surely something worth exploring seriously. As a developing nation, we need to esnure that we do not overspend and work out avoidance of duplication of efforts. There may be cost-requirement trade-offs in certain cases that need to be decided on a case-to-case basis.
But that is not reason enough to wait till we get answer to all our questions so that we can create a perfect system. That would be neither be good governance or good politics. That would be Utopia.
The Gaps
While one can still give some benefit of doubt as far as enrolment is concerned, because it is a new process using new technology, the non-acceptance of Aadhar as the only thing needed to open a bank account , the big promise on which it has been marketed to people, is a letdown. If banks, which are supposed to be more progressive, as compared to government departments, act this way, what can one expect from babus in the government?
Even if temporary, that is the big challenge before the UID projecthow to ensure that its big promise is kept. Else, what is the point creating yet another identity card?
Myths & Fallacies
Some of the fallacies have to be called out while some myths have to be busted. Here are the most important myths that are doing the round and why they should be rejected decisively:
UK has scrapped it. So we must be doing something wrong. This is an argument many politicians and academicians alike have put forward. In an article in The Hindu, R Ramkumar, an associate professor in the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, called the UID project to be based on a platform of myths. His essay started by comparing the UK and India projects and concluded that since UK has scrapped the project, India has good reason to follow siut. Without going into too many technicalities, it must be pointed out that the UK system did not have clarity of purpose and right from day one, people never liked it. On the other hand, the UID project has not been an objective by itself but a platform to achieve a clear cut objective of inclusion. And the popularity of the project among common people has been decisively proved by Google Zeitgist data.
But interestingly, the coalition government has started work on a similar project again. So, it is even fallacious to argue that UK has scrapped the national identity project. It has just scrapped Blairs version of the project.
Biometrics identification systems are not fool-proof. This is not an incorrect statement. But it is like Churchills famous assertion that democracy is bad except that it is better than all other forms of government. Biometrics has failure rates. But it is still the best known identification system today. According to International Biometrics Group studies, depending upon which biometrics system you are using, the failure rates are anywhere between 0.01% to 6.5%. For example, IRIS scores over palm vein when it comes to false acceptance rate (FAR) but it has a higher false rejection rate (FRR) as well. So, typically, a combination of two or three systems are used. The UID project too is doing that. The only other option is to wait till such a time when a perfect system comes.
UID project has no clarity of purpose. As argued above, it is all about a very clear objective. Inclusion.
Critical Issues
Since the two projects, NPR and UID have a lot of things that can be combined, we, as a nation, must not duplicate efforts and cost. That has to be optimized. If money needs to be spent because we need something absolutely, that must be a decision. But just lack of coordination should not be the reason for duplicating efforts.
The Standing Committee has also pointed out that National Data Protection Law, which is at draft stage, with the government must be a pre-requisite. One could not agree more. The legislation should be speeded up.
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