In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Thursday, September 1, 2011

1568 - Not ready yet for Nilekani model - Business Line

UTTAM GUPTA
Farmers will be hard hit if the dealer network were to go haywire.

The Nilekani panel's proposal on direct cash transfer of subsidy to farmers in phases involves daunting logistic challenges.

The Task Force (TF) on ‘Direct transfer of subsidies on kerosene, LPG and fertilisers' headed by Mr Nandan Nilekani, Chairman, Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) has, in its interim report, recommended a road-map for direct cash transfer of fertiliser subsidy in three phases:

Create software capability and tech support to track movement of fertilisers from retailer to farmers;

Set up infrastructure to facilitate direct cash transfer to bank accounts of retailers; and

Enable a system where farmers buy at market rates from retailers and get cash transfers to UID-linked accounts. Currently, fertiliser subsidy is disbursed at the level of manufacturer or importer. The Ministry of Fertilisers allocates funds to Department of Fertiliser (DOF). DOF in turn, passes on to the manufacturer who adjusts retail prices according to the subsidy.

Manufacturers/importers are required to sell urea at controlled price (MRP) and collect subsidy from the Government equal to excess of cost of production/import and distribution. Permissible cost to producers is determined under ‘New Pricing Scheme' (NPS).

NBS POLICY

Manufacturers of decontrolled phosphorus and potassium (P&K) fertilisers are given subsidy under the nutrient-based subsidy (NBS) policy. Subsidy rates under NBS are fixed on per nutrient basis. Unlike urea, these producers have the freedom to fix MRP.

The thrust of the subsidy policy is to keep fertiliser price to farmers ‘low'. Price connects with their capacity to pay. There are 107.6 million small and marginal farmers constituting 83.3 per cent of 129.2 million farm households. Large farmers (holding more than 10 hectares) are only 0.8 per cent.

While continuing the subsidy, TF proposes to shift the point of disbursal from manufacturer to retailer/farmer. Under the scheme, DOF will transfer money to the nodal bank which will credit to account of retailers/farmers in a network of banks after checking with CSMS (Certified Software Measurement Specialist).

In the second stage, the retailer will buy fertilisers from manufacturer at market price and sell it to farmers at a lower price enabled by subsidy. In the third stage, retailer will sell at market price; however, ‘effective' price paid by farmer will be lower due to subsidy.

FLAWED PERCEPTION

What has prompted such a drastic shift? This is based on a perception that extant system is prone to leakages! This is flawed. A fairly rigorous system of subsidy payments is in place to prevent any misuse. On other hand, benefits are huge.

The Government has to deal only with a handful of manufacturers (29 urea units and 19 DAP and NP/NPK complex plants). And, that helps in keeping cost of administering subsidy low. Fertiliser Industry Coordination Committee under DOF does this job.

Any apprehension that producers can exploit system is ‘unfounded' as under NBS for decontrolled fertilisers, they are paid on ‘uniform' per nutrient basis. For urea too, the Government has promised to shift to NBS. This will also help correct the imbalance in fertiliser use. Increase in fertiliser subsidy is often linked withmisuse. This too is a wrong notion. There has been no increase in MRP (10 per cent hike last year came after eight years) while there has been a steep increase in prices of feedstock and other inputs besides an increase in fertiliser use. Hence the rise in subsidy bill.

In 2008-09 thus, subsidy zoomed close to Rs 100,000 crore. This was primarily due to skyrocketing international crude price and steep increase in prices of feedstock and imported fertilisers. In 2009-10, it dropped to Rs 52,000 crore, as prices cooled that year.

GYRATIONS IN SUBSIDY

We will have to live with gyrations in subsidy irrespective of the chosen delivery point as subsidy is a function of ‘target' MRP on one hand and cost of production/import and distribution on the other. It is not a factor of how it is administered. Clearly, there is no justifiable basis for the proposed change. Still, if we take a plunge, this could have disastrous consequences. There are 2,76,313 fertiliser sale points. From a handful of manufacturers now, the government will have to deal with lakhs of retailers.

Setting up the required infrastructure is a huge challenge by itself. But, the biggest worry is the States do not have wherewithal and the will to do the job right. Infotech companies can provide software/tech support, but the crucial job of tracking and authenticating has to be done by States.

In 1991-92, the government exempted small and marginal farmers from increase in MRP of all controlled fertilisers by 30 per cent (except ammonium sulphate, CAN and ammonium chloride which were decontrolled). The money equivalent of this increase was given to States to be transmitted ‘directly' to beneficiaries. The result was a fiasco. A meagre 3.5 per cent of farmers benefited from it. Subsidy amount involved then was around Rs 400 crore. Now, we are talking of astronomical Rs 50,000 crore to be paid on certification by States!

PAYMENT HASSLES

Under the present system, manufacturers get subsidy on ‘dispatch' — 90 per cent on account payment and the balance on verification. When, it comes to dealing with lakhs of retailers, it will be dangerous to continue with on account payments. Will the entire payment be released after sale? Will a retailer have enough cash to pay full/market price in the very first place?

All the more so, when subsidy component accounts for two thirds (for DAP) of price paid by him. Under extant system, subsidy payments to manufacturers often get delayed due to budget constraints and other reasons. The government has issued ‘fertiliser bonds' to them in lieu of cash. This had its own problems. One cannot dream of bonds being issued to dealers!!

There is thus a real danger of dealer network collapsing due to liquidity squeeze in an event of subsidy payments getting delayed. The Government could be putting the fertiliser supply chain to serious risk. Eventually, farmers would be hard hit.

In the third stage, problems of reaching subsidy to 129 million farm households will be of unimaginable proportions. How will they buy at market price? When will they get paid? Will they be ‘fully' compensated? Will subsidy go to the ‘right' persons?

(The author is Executive Director, CropLife India, New Delhi.)