In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Tuesday, September 8, 2015

8664 - Chhattisgarh's experiment with cash transfers for food rations has been a disaster - Scroll.In


During a pilot project in direct benefits transfers, a fifth of the beneficiary households never received any money, and among those who did 70% got it after much delay.

Sulakshana Nandi  · Today · 11:30 am


Chhattisgarh has been lauded for the reforms initiated in 2004 in the public distribution system to ensure that subsidised foodgrains meant for the poor actually reached them. Over the last decade, the state’s network of food ration shops expanded to reach 85% of the population. It became the first state to implement a food security law in 2012 and was highlighted in numerous studies as a model state for the public distribution system.

Such was the pride that the Bharatiya Janata Party government led by Raman Singh took in the efficacy of its public distribution system that it consistently opposed the idea proposed by the United Progressive Alliance government at the Centre of giving beneficiaries cash instead of food. In December 2012, the Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly passed a resolution emphasising that the state should be kept out of any initiatives that involved such cash transfers.

But the state government reversed this position after the Narendra Modi government came to power at the Centre last year. From June 2014, cuts were effected in the public distribution system: 15% of ration cards were cancelled while entitlements of rice and pulses were reduced. Based on unwritten orders of the food department, beneficiaries were compelled to get Aadhaar cards and open bank accounts under the threat of their rations being discontinued.

The Chhattisgarh government then started preparations to link the public distribution system with Aadhaar, the central biometrics-based identification programme, and to conduct pilot projects in direct benefits transfers in food.

Pilot projects

According to the procedure laid down for the direct benefit transfer, a cash subsidy of Rs 25 per kilo of entitled grain would be deposited into the beneficiary’s account. They could then withdraw the funds and buy grain from the ration shop. Under the previous system, though they would have had to pay Re 1 per kilogram of entitled grain.

The pilot was started in April 2015 in six shops across three cities – Raipur, Dhamtari and Mungeli. In a state with an effective public distribution system, the news of such major changes provoked worries among the poor. Protests resulted in the pilot project being shifted away from one of the selected ration shops in Raipur.  In Dhamtari town, the project had to be stopped mid-way.

A study conducted in August proved that their fears may not have been unfounded.

The study

Designed by non-profits related to the Right to Food Campaign, the study focussed on two ration shops in Raipur that had been selected for the pilot project. The aim was to understand the experience of the beneficiaries in accessing and using the public distribution system  after the introduction of direct benefit transfers.

A total of 103 households with ration cards were interviewed– 42% of them belonging to the Scheduled Castes, 37% to the Other Backward Classes and 20% to the general category. The salespersons of the two public distribution shops, and community leaders were also interviewed. The findings were startling:

* Twenty per cent of the households never received the money in their bank accounts during the four-month pilot (April-July 2015).

* Out of the households that did receive money in their bank accounts, 70% said the money reached their bank accounts with significant delays. Beneficiaries had to go repeatedly to the bank for withdrawal of money, which was time-consuming and tiring.

* The worst impact was on access to food itself. In April, 56% of households could not get their quota of rice. This went down to 20% in May, but rose to 27% in June.

Old system was better

In August, the direct benefit transfer scheme was stopped in Raipur and the previous system was reinstated. The survey showed that 96% of the surveyed households were able to get their quota of rice in August, a dramatic improvement over the preceding four months. This mirrors the situation in the pre-cash subsidy phase wherein the survey found that in February, before the direct benefit transfer started, 91% households had taken their entitled grain.

This clearly showed the system was working much better without the direct benefit transfers and the four-month period of the pilot project was the worst.

Among the households surveyed, 43% faced financial distress in trying to buy public distribution system rice during the pilot. Thirty seven per cent of the households had to take a loan from somewhere in order to buy public distribution system rice, while six households had to sell household items to buy rice, as they had not received the money in their accounts. In one case, the lady of the house said she had to sell her utensils to get money to buy rice.

Nearly one-third of the households said they faced problems in making an Aadhaar card or opening a bank account, or withdrawing money from the bank. A 65-year-old woman who lived alone did not have a bank account. No one helped her get one. As a result, she was unable to buy rice from the ration shop. She bought rice from a private shop with great financial difficulty. In another case, a woman produced all the required documents at the special camp organised by the government to introduce the new system, but her bank account was not opened and neither did she receive her Aadhaar card.

As many as 96% of the surveyed beneficiaries said they preferred the old system. In May, nearly 70 people had filed a complaint with the District Food Inspector regarding money not being credited to their account.

The study shows that the entire purpose of the public distribution system – ensuring food security support to families – has suffered immensely with the introduction of direct benefit transfers. Chhattisgarh had created a well-running public distribution system through painstaking efforts over a decade and yet cash transfers managed to disrupt it within a few months.

The author is a researcher associated with the Right to Food campaign in Chhattisgarh.

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