In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Saturday, March 31, 2012

2480 - Before committing to the banking-correspondent model, we need to thrash out the economics -


Before committing to the banking-correspondent model, we need to thrash out the economics

M Rajshekhar, ET Bureau Mar 15, 2012, 06.52AM IST


  These are the heydays for the banking-correspondent (BC) model. Banks want to use them to extend banking into villages. The government wants to use them to deliver welfare payments. In most cases, these transactions will be routed through BC companies, not directed from banks to village agents.
This confidence being reposed in the BC model is a tad premature. Travel down to the field and you see the model struggling. Given the low fees, villagers do not want to become BCs. The outcome?


 Those seeing other advantages in becoming a BC, like the village sarpanch seeking to reinforce his hegemony over the village, are signing up. There are other problems. BC companies, compelled by hyper-competition, are starting to cut corners in the field while placing agents and terminals. State governments like Andhra Pradesh complain BC companies and banks are delaying payments to earn income on the float.

For their part, BC companies say their economics is hamstrung by the banks' unwillingness to offer products that villagers would find useful, and by the government's unwillingness to pay for payment delivery. But will the BC model start working smoothly once the payments issue is resolved?

Before that question can be answered, banks and the government need to define the level of service that will be provided to those banking with the BCs. How many transactions should they be able to make in a month: one, two or 10? How far should they have to travel to access a BC agent? These standards are undefined right now, and vary from bank to bank, state to state. And as Haryana's unhappy experience with pension e-payment shows, service standards can be shockingly low.

Minutes of a meeting between banks, BCs and the Haryana government say, "The infrastructure deployed by the business correspondent of the banks is grossly inadequatea¦ the average frequency of visit of the BC agent in the village has been once every 90 days and, in some villages, there has been no visit at all in the last six months."

The minutes also mention under-deployment of the point-of-service terminals. In 18 of the state's 21 districts, they say, under-deployment ranged between -73.9% and -99.9%.

This is unacceptable. Partly because the poor should not get a level of banking that is markedly inferior to what you and I get. If your withdrawal from an ATM results in your account getting debited but the machine not disbursing cash, your bank doesn't tell you to contact the company that manages the ATM. However, most banks treat no-frill-account customers as clients of a BC company.

There are other non-negotiables as well. To ensure the BC agent doesn't end up with exclusive control over the pipe through which welfare payments flow - the new architecture should be interoperable. Villagers should be able to access their account from any point-of-service terminal - the way we can access our accounts from any ATM. Further, to ensure villagers become BC agents, they need to be paid well.


Add up all these costs and only then will we know the real cost of delivery through the BC channel.

Now, that cost of delivery needs to be tested against another set of numbers. Today, the government finds BCs attractive because it thinks biometric verification will severely crimp corruption. But what is the quantum of that reduction? Take NREGA. Even if the payment is made through the BC, the employment records are still created by the sarpanch. So, corruption will not vanish entirely. At best, ghost workers will be excised from the rolls.


 Compare this putative reduction with the cost of delivery and we will have the cost:benefit analysis for switching to the BC model.

The danger of not doing this due diligence is we might end up with a delivery channel that is expensive and/or fails to deliver welfare benefits to some of the most vulnerable constituents of this country. With elections two years away, that is a possibility UPA-II might want to avoid. Worse, by the time we realise that the new channel doesn't work, we might have disbanded the old system as well.
On the whole, India seems to cycle through financial inclusion models the way teenagers move through fashions: cooperatives, bank nationalisation, RRBs, SHGs, MFIs and BCs. We prematurely pin all our hopes on one model and try to roll it out across the country. Given the diversity that characterises India, it inevitably fails. And then we look for the next silver bullet.

The finance ministry is now talking of ultra-small branches in villages which bank staff will visit once a week. And the RBI is thinking of a way to get banks to oversee BC agents, and to use BC companies purely as technology service providers.

That is what is underway here as well. Little wonder that every five years, we start wondering how to solve the last-mile problem in Indian banking.